10 February 2011
The need for a Uniform Civil Code in India
31 January 2011
Why has the Crescent fallen behind?

24 January 2011
Rise of the 'redback'
07 September 2010
PC Models That Sound Like Alphabet Soup
26 August 2010
Landmark decision: Vedanta denied mining rights
13 June 2010
To Save Africa We Need to Ignore its Nations
If this were to happen, relatively benevolent states like South Africa and a handful of others would go on as before. But in the continent’s most troubled countries, politicians would suddenly lose the legal foundations of their authority. Some of these repressive leaders, deprived of their sovereign tools of domination and the international aid that underwrites their regimes, might soon find themselves overthrown.
African states that begin to provide their citizens with basic rights and services, that curb violence and that once again commit resources to development projects, would be rewarded with re-recognition by the international community. Aid would return. More important, these states would finally have acquired some degree of popular accountability and domestic legitimacy.
Like any experiment, de- and re-recognition is risky. Some fear it could promote conflict, that warlords would simply seize certain mineral-rich areas and run violent, lawless quasi states. But Africa is already rife with violence, and warlordism is already a widespread phenomenon. While unrecognized countries might still mistreat their people, history shows that weak, isolated regimes have rarely been able to survive without making significant concessions to segments of their populations.
For many Africans, 50 years of sovereignty has been an abject failure, reproducing the horrors of colonial-era domination under the guise of freedom. International derecognition of abusive states would be a first step toward real liberation.
NOTE: PLEASE VOTE IN THE POLL ON THE RIGHT SIDE OF THIS PAGE
Mitul Choksi
13 June 2010
12:57 PM Indian Standard Time
09 June 2010
Rant - American Double Standards
The Attorney General even announced a criminal as well as a civil investigation into the disastrous oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. The administration of Barack Obama has vowed to hold the oil giant BP accountable for the disaster caused by its collapsed rig for billions of dollars.
However the world's worst industrial disaster was the in Bhopal in 1984. It has believed to claim up to 15000 lives and damaged the lives of thousands others. When asked if the US government will put more pressure on Dow Chemicals which bought Union Carbide Corporation a decade ago for cleaning up the site and extraditing Union Carbide executives including former CEO Warren Anderson who fled India just a few days after the accident and is absconding ever since the State Department officials diplomatically said "No".
The judgment given of two years in prison and fines of a few thousand dollars with no mention of Anderson is a travesty of justice which has left even American lawyers aghast.
Had this entire situation been the other way round and had an Indian company (or any other non-US company) been responsible for a similar disaster in the US, I am sure that the Americans would have left no stone unturned in getting their hands around the necks of the foreign company's management. If the management would have fled the US just like Anderson fled India, the US would have used "big brother scare tactics" to get them extradited to the US. If this seems far fetched then let me point to an example of what the US did in Pakistan. The Pakistani authorities have regularly been apprehending "terror suspects" on their soil and handing them over to the Americans even though an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis disdain these acts.
America was not likely to extradite Anderson even if he was convicted in absentia in India. The possibilities are even less now at a time when the US is keen to sell nuclear technology to India and the Indian government is facing a lot of heat from its allies as well as the opposition for agreeing to a "limited liability" clause in the nuclear agreement which absolves American corporations from paying astronomical amounts of damage in case another Bhopal like tragedy ever occurs in the future.
Its time we stood up to this double standard of America and at the same time kick our government in its derriere for taking this softly and sitting back like towards.
Remember, we will not be able to blame people in Bhopal for chanting "Death to America" if this sham justice goes through just like another run of the mill industrial accident.
30 May 2010
A single currency is not required for economies to prosper
18 May 2010
3G Auction Madness
17 March 2010
Only Fools will pre-order the Apple iPad
Friday morning, the fool's parade started. Apple is taking online "pre-orders" for its iPad tablet, which is supposed to begin shipping on April 3 in the United States. Buying a new kind of product sight unseen is foolish. Especially given how mysterious Apple has been on what the iPad can do and what restrictions on capabilities and media access it will place on users and content providers.
Why blow $500 to $830 on a device that may not be what you expect? Just wait a mere three weeks to see for sure what it actually does and what surprises, good and bad, Apple has packed into the iPad.
Don't get me wrong: The iPad concept is promising in many ways. And I have no doubt that the iPad will appeal to many people even if it's not perfect. But we've all seen promising product demonstrations that resulted in major letdown when we finally got a hold of the real thing. Why take that chance? After all, the first-generation iPad is particularly likely to have disappointments, as it's the version that will tell us what, after the hoopla dies down, Apple should have done.
Sure, we can expect Apple to make future innovations in the iPhone OS (which the iPad uses) available to the first generation of iPad devices through OS upgrades -- as Apple has nicely done for iPhone and iPod Touch owners. But the iPad's hardware isn't upgradable, so you'll be stuck with the iPad's relatively low amounts of memory and its lack of connectors such as USB that I would expect Apple to remedy inthe future. And you'll be stuck with whatever iTunes-based content locks Apple decides to place on media content and e-books.
Remember, the same thing happened with the iPod Touch, Apple's iPhone-based PDA. The first-generation iPod Touch could play only a few sounds and even then only at a whisper, so its calendar alarms and new-email alerts were useless unless you wearing its earphones. You couldn't change the volume without using the touchscreen -- a real issue when driving, jogging, or carrying groceries. There was no microphone, so you couldn't take voice memos or use services like Skype. (Apple even blocked external microphones from working on it!) Despite Apple making sure each iPhone OS revision has continued to support the first-generation iPod Touch, those hardware limits remain in the actual devices.
You can bet that similar types of issue will be discovered in the first iPad.
Maybe I'm wrong -- maybe the iPad will be the full "magic" that Steve Jobs promises. Wonderful! If that's the case, buy one when you know it really is magic --after people not employed by Apple have had a chance to really use it and put it through its paces. Until then, why send Apple your money until you know for sure? Doing so would be, well, foolish.
A fool and his money are soon parted, the saying goes. Let's hope most Apple fans are as smart as they claim to be.
10 February 2010
Why do we need to thank Microsoft?
04 February 2010
The trouble dealing with India's deficit
- Generally the activities for which the government provides various ministries with money take time to start and thus spending picks up gradually, only accelerating in the end of the financial year. Thus we haven't seen the real expenditure happening as of now and will only get a clear picture of the total expenditure towards the end of the FY that is still around 2 months or so away.
- One of the other major reasons why the deficit won't budge is that the tax revenues of the government will not pick up this time unlike the previous years due to a sharp decrease in tax rates in various avenues, especially indirect taxes like CENVAT (Central Excise). Excise revenues of the government have declined nearly a quarter in the November-January period as compared to the previous year due to a sharp decrease in duty rates even though the industrial production has risen in the same period compared to the corresponding period in the previous year.
- Direct tax collections have risen only marginally this year.
- Customs and Service Tax collections are down significantly.
- The Tax-GDP ratio which is a very important economic indicator has gone from 12% in the April-September period last year to 10.3% in the current fiscal year.
- The government also has to provide for other expenditures like fuel subsidies, food subsidies, loan waivers to farmers and many other such expenses.
- The government can't just forgo spending on the initiatives taken by it in the previous years which include many large social sector programs that require a lot of spending.
- The government also needs to allocate sufficient funds to various ministries and departments in the upcoming fiscal so as to not hinder their working and ensure smooth working of these departments.
- The 3G spectrum auctions which were earlier slated to be held this fiscal year are more or less likely to be held in the next fiscal (or even in the one after that) due to various bureaucratic hurdles. The auction was supposed to fetch the government anywhere between 30-50 thousand crore rupees which would have been a great help in covering the deficit
10 November 2009
The Change in India's Social Landscape since the Fall of the Berlin Wall
10 September 2009
A note on the world's ageing population
STOP thinking for a moment about deep recession, trillion-dollar rescue packages and mounting job losses. Instead, contemplate the prospect of slow growth and low productivity, rising public spending and labour shortages. These are the problems of ageing populations, and if they sound comparatively mild, think again. When the IMF earlier this month calculated the impact of the recent financial crisis, it found that the costs will indeed be huge: the fiscal balances of the G20 advanced countries are likely to deteriorate by eight percentage points of GDP in 2008-09. But the IMF also noted that in the longer term these costs will be dwarfed by age-related spending. Looking ahead to the period between now and 2050, it predicted that “for advanced countries, the fiscal burden of the crisis [will be] about 10% of the ageing-related costs” (see chart 1). The other 90% will be extra spending on pensions, health and long-term care.

The rich world’s population is ageing fast, and the poor world is only a few decades behind. According to the UN’s latest biennial population forecast, the median age for all countries is due to rise from 29 now to 38 by 2050. At present just under 11% of the world’s 6.9 billion people are over 60. Taking the UN’s central forecast, by 2050 that share will have risen to 22% (of a population of over 9 billion), and in the developed countries to 33% (see chart 2). To put it another way, in the rich world one person in three will be a pensioner; nearly one in ten will be over 80.
This is a slow-moving but relentless development that in time will have vast economic, social and political consequences. As yet, only a few countries with already-old populations are starting to notice the effects. But labour forces are now beginning to shrink and numbers of pensioners are starting to rise. By about 2020 ageing will be plain for all to see. And there is no escape: barring huge natural or man-made disasters, demographic changes are much more certain than other long-term predictions (for example, of climate change). Every one of the 2 billion people who will be over 60 in 2050 has already been born.

The reasons why
What is making the world so much older? There are two long-term causes and a temporary blip that will continue to show up in the figures for the next few decades. The first of the big causes is that people everywhere are living far longer than they used to. This trend started with the industrial revolution and has been slowly gathering pace. In 1900 average life expectancy at birth for the world as a whole was only around 30 years, and in rich countries under 50. The figures now are 67 and 78 respectively, and still rising. For all the talk about the coming old-age crisis, that is surely something to be grateful for—especially since older people these days also seem to remain healthy, fit and active for much longer.
A second, and bigger, cause of the ageing of societies is that people everywhere are having far fewer children, so the younger age groups are much too small to counterbalance the growing number of older people. This trend emerged later than the one for longer lives, first in developed countries and now in poor countries too. In the early 1970s women across the world were still, on average, having 4.3 children each. The current global average is 2.6, and in rich countries only 1.6. The UN predicts that by 2050 the global figure will have dropped to just two, so by mid-century the world’s population will begin to level out. The numbers in some developed countries have already started shrinking. Depending on your point of view, that may or may not be a good thing, but, as this special report will argue, it will certainly turn the world into a different place.
The temporary blip that has magnified the effects of lower fertility and greater longevity is the baby-boom that arrived in most rich countries after the second world war. The timing varied slightly from place to place, but in America—where the effect was strongest—it covered roughly the 20 years from 1945, a period when nearly 80m Americans were born. The first of them are now coming up to retirement. For the next 20 years those baby-boomers will be swelling the ranks of pensioners, which will lead to a rapid drop in the working population all over the rich world.
As always, the averages mask considerable diversity. In the richer parts of Asia the populations of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are already old and will rapidly get even older. Europe is split several ways: Germany, Italy and Spain, for instance, now have tiny families and are therefore ageing fast, whereas France, Britain and most of the Nordic countries have more children to keep them younger. In eastern Europe, and particularly in Russia, birth rates are low and life expectancy has also taken a knock. America, thanks to a resilient birth rate and high immigration, will still be fairly youthful by mid-century.
Most developing countries do not have to worry about ageing—yet. Although birth rates have dropped, populations are still young and will remain so for a few decades yet, even though HIV/AIDS has killed off many active adults. But in the longer term the same factors as in the rich world—fewer births, longer lives—will cause poorer countries to age too. And even before that happens, the absolute numbers of older people there will swell alarmingly, simply because these countries are so populous. They already have 490m over-60s, and that total is due to more than triple by 2050. Since most poor countries have little or nothing in the way of a state-funded welfare net, those numbers will be hard to manage.
Alone among developing countries, China is already ageing fast. This is mainly because for the past 30 years it has been keeping a tight lid on population growth. This did not quite amount to a “one-child policy”, as it is often called (the average number of children per woman was closer to two), but it was highly effective in stabilising numbers. The population will peak at about 1.46 billion in 2030 and then decline gently. Although China has seen stupendous economic growth in recent years, it is still some way off being rich, so it will have trouble absorbing the cost of this rapid ageing. This special report will take a closer look at what it is doing about the problem, but will otherwise confine itself mainly to the developed world.
Fewer hands make heavy work
Macroeconomic theory suggests that the economies of ageing populations are likely to grow more slowly than those of younger ones. As more people retire, and fewer younger ones take their place, the labour force will shrink, so output growth will drop unless productivity increases faster. Since the remaining workers will be older, they may actually be less productive.
In most rich countries the ratio of people of working age to those of retirement age will deteriorate dramatically over the next few decades. In Japan, for instance, which currently has about three workers to every pensioner—already one of the lowest ratios anywhere—the number will halve by 2050. True, there will be fewer young people to maintain, but children cost less than old people and the overall burden will be much heavier than it is now. The OECD has estimated that over the next three decades the age-related decline in the labour force could cut growth in its member countries by a third compared with the previous three decades.
Ageing will affect financial markets too. According to Franco Modigliani’s and Richard Brumberg’s life-cycle theory of savings, put forward in the early 1950s, people try to smooth out their consumption over the course of their lives, spending more in their youth and old age and saving more in their middle years; so as populations age, savings in the economy as a whole will be run down and assets sold off. This has led to fears of an “asset meltdown” as everyone sells at the same time. But a number of academic studies have so far failed to find much evidence of this. Older people in America, for instance, do save less than those in their middle years, but as a group not much less.
James Poterba, an economics professor at MIT, says America has three kinds of retirement households: the least well-off, perhaps a quarter of the total, who will maintain something close to their previous standard of living on Social Security and Medicare, even with few savings; the richest 10-15%, who hold significant assets and may not need to draw them down; and the large majority in between, who will have to rely on their own, often inadequate, savings in retirement.
For the public finances, an ageing population is a huge headache. In countries where public pensions make up the bulk of retirement income, these will either swallow up a much larger share of the budget or they will have to become a lot less generous, which will meet political resistance (and remember that older people are much more inclined to vote than younger ones). Spending on health, which in most rich countries has been going up relentlessly anyway, is likely to grow even faster as patients get older. And because of a huge increase in the number of over-80s, a lot more money, and careful thought, will be needed to provide long-term care for them as they become frailer.
What can be done? As the IMF puts it, “the fiscal impact of the [financial] crisis reinforces the urgency of entitlement reform.” People in rich countries will have to be weaned off the expectation that pensions will become ever more generous and health care ever more all-encompassing. Since they now live so much longer, and mostly in good health, they will have to accept that they must also work for longer and that their pensions will be smaller.
Will the recession make it easier or harder to introduce the required reforms? If people are feeling poorer, they may think that their government should do more for them, not less. Yet some say that if everything is in a state of upheaval already, change becomes easier to bring about. They cite a phrase currently much used in the Obama White House: “Never waste a good crisis.”
Mitul Choksi
September 10, 2009
24 August 2009
The "State" of Pakistan
Despite all this, the Punjab (Pakistan's richest province) controls most of the political scenario and also the much more influential armed forces with the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) coming in a distant second. The Sindh province does not have a voice in the army and its only political voice is the Bhutto dynasty's Pakistan's People Party (PPP). Balochistan, Pakistan's largest and least populated province gets the worst of all deals with practically no political voice and hardly any major representation in the army.
In spite of all the poverty, infighting and above all an absence of a national identity, Pakistan as a state has been able to survive on its one unifying strength - the hatred of India. India has been considered Pakistan's biggest enemy since its creation and that remains the status quo to this day. In fact many Pakistanis themselves say that the only time when the country has been unified as a whole was when they came at odds with India, especially on the issue of the troubled region of Jammu & Kashmir. Many analysts including myself believe that had it not been for the "Indian threat" the Pakistan would not have survived. Now before calling names to my Indian bias please consider the following points carefully.
1. Pakistan was created in 1947 in an extremely chaotic situation. It has hardly any state machinery at the time of its inception. The civil service was in shambles as most civil servants were Hindu and had opted to migrate to India. Same was the case with banks as most of the officers in banks were Hindus who ran away to India. A similar fate was shared by almost all public services barring a few. So practically the country's entire think tank, tanked overnight. The police was a very communally charged force which was busy with keeping rioting down in major cities which were the new commercial hubs of this infant nation. Trade and commerce could not be allowed to be hampered as the nation needed money to run its bread and butter expenses. It is common knowledge that Pakistan only had 20 crore rupeers (200 million rupees) before partition. The rest was controversially remited by India after quite some time of its creation. It looked like and was indeed a pretty dystopian picture except for one thing.
2. The armed forces were the only institution in Pakistan at the time of its inception that had any structure. Moreover, it had a order, an almost unbreakable chain of command and above all a professional knowhow of how to deal with crisis. And the birth of Pakistan was in many ways a crisis for Pakistan itself! Historical evidence points out to that the help of the armed forces of Pakistan to its people at the time of its inception was one of the major factors why it ever managed to survive and not end up as a still born nation.
3. In order to get some think tank started on how to deal with nation building the government of this newly formed country required to get help once again from this "pillar of strength". The army was well conditioned, well funded and well conditioned to take on such kind of nation building efforts as its top brass consisted of some of the most intelligent people in all of Pakistan at the time.
4. The army knew that barring a the ailing Mr. Jinnah, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan and hardly any others, the government and the civil service lacked any teeth and didn't have the faintest idea of what to do with the future of this country. This was the perfect base from which to initiate a coup.
5. An early attempt for a coup (The Rawalpindi Conspiracy) by General Akbar Khan failed miserably but that did not weaken the resolve of others in the army to replicate a more successful version of what Akbar Khan had attempted. The civil administration made the work for the army easy as there was lack of any vision on the future of Pakistan. Nine Prime Ministers had taken office in Nine years since partition. Constant infighting within the civil administration made the army's work more easy as a coup would herald the army as saviours rather than evil dictators.
6. That is what eventually happened as Field Marshall Ayub Khan took power in 1957. Three other military rulers ruled Pakistan for more than half its history with spurts of sham democracies in between.
7. It is difficult to make certain that did more damage. Dictators like Zia-ul-Haq, the longest serving dictator in Pakistan history totally changed the landscape of Pakistani identity by almost completely repealing Anglo-Saxon law prevalant up till then and replacing it with a perverted version of Islam Sharia law which to this day lingers in Pakistan. On the other hand the sham democratic governments the Sharifs and the Bhuttos destroyed Pakistan's economy and nearly bankrupting it in the late 1990s up until when General Pervez Musharraf seized power in a coup.
Today, another sham democracy holds power in Pakistan. But the Pakistan of today is the centre stage of the world's attention as it is dangerously affected by Islamic fundamentalist terrorists that threaten to take the whole of Pakistan in flames. Pakistan's importance increases more so as it is declared nuclear weapons state with an estimated 60 warheads. The danger of even a single warhead falling in the hands of Al-Qaeda or the Taliban would leave the entire world at ransom to a few mad men. Pakistan is struggling to fight the same terrorists it once funded (well actually Pakistan was funded by the Americans) to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan. At the same time, the army is ready to de-tag India as its biggest enemy even when the country is being threatened to implode from within due to terrorism, poverty and health problems.
Pakistan needs to realize something that has been written in the holy Quran itself. "Jihad" is a war but not a war against people of other religions (non-believers) but an internal struggle to open one's own eyes (the non-believer within thyself) and when Pakistan as a nation performs this "Jihad" it will realize that the problems are seldom around but are within.
Mitul Choksi